Foreword by A.Ch.Kasaev
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp
168

You are holding the «White book» of ethnic cleansing of the Ossetian people by Georgia. The conflict has been smoldering for a long time. In 1830, the Russian government made a clear verdict with regard to the matter: the Georgians do not have any rights to South Ossetia. Stalin, in his usual manner of laying down time bombs on borders between neighboring peoples, sacrificed the Ossetians in favor of the Georgian SSR. In 1938, the Ossetian alphabet was replaced with the Georgian script. Since 1949, the entire education in Ossetian schools, including primary school forms, was converted to Georgian. The attack on the language was followed by an attack on the people. In 1991, the skirmish between Gorbachev and Yeltsin kept Moscow unaware of what was going on in the South. There was no one to stop Zviad Gamsahurdia. According to the 1989 USSR population census, there were 164 thousand Ossetians living in Georgia. By the year 2002, only 38 thousand Ossetians remained there.

Doctor of Historical Studies, Professor of Philosophy, Belgrade University

Moscow , Europe Publishing House, 2005, pp 528

The interest in Serbia is down to zero. This is sad. The bombing of Serbia is over, Kostunica is groveling before Europe, and Milosevic is waging a hopeless battle with the machinery of the International Court, which is famous for applying double standards, - but a detailed retrospective analysis of the Yugoslavian drama is of more than historical interest. A collection of articles by Serbian political analysts and economists, their analysis of the defeat, its causes and chances for going out of the deadlock may become exceedingly relevant at almost any minute. This book is a warning, and it is for the readers to show whether or not they are able to learn a lesson from the experience of their old friends.

Collection of articles compiled by Kovalenko D.N.
Introduction by Belanovsky S.A.
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp 48

As time goes by, the aging proponents of «Putin’s majority» continue supporting the President by pure inertia and for lack of any alternative. To the contrary, the young nucleus of Putin’s majority knows pretty well what they want from the President and the «United Russia» party. Over the past five years, the structure of Putin’s majority has radically changed. The share of young people who believe that the President is doing his job properly amounts to 71 per cent. 40 per cent of Putin’s supporters are under 35, and this share is roughly equal in all types of settlements, from the capitals to rural areas. The brochure provides detailed information on trends in the electorate’s preferences and changes in the voters’ views.

General director of the «Slovo I Delo» informational and political agency

Foreword by D.Dondureia
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2005, pp 264

Negative connotations of the word «regime» have been entwined in the fabric of the Russian language since the Stalin’s epoch. Regimes always used to be found behind the Iron curtain, and they were invariably autocratic: Franco, Salazar, Chiang Kai-Shek, Pinochet, etc. It is only the professional language of technicians that has preserved its original meaning in expressions like «the engine’s operational regime is normal».

This book deals with the President’s dream to normalize the functioning of the State machine and the multitude of barriers that stand in the way of achieving this goal. Some barriers are old, while others have been brought about by such partly foreseeable yet unexpected circumstances as Beslan or the Khodorkovsky case. In order to grasp the scope of this tremendous task, one has to add to this list such constant factors as bureaucratic inefficiency, the attitude of political parties and movements, business and, finally, every Russian person who is yet to become a fully responsible citizen.

 

PhD in philology, professor, head of department of informational policy at the National Academy of Public Administration of the President of Ukraine

Foreword by S.Markov
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp 88

This book is a concise guide to technologies behind «velvet revolutions», technologies of neutralizing the «old» power and exerting «nonviolent» pressure on it. Application of this type of know-how is only possible in countries with democratic regimes, for the benefit of third countries. These are scenarios of «stolen electoral victory», which involve placing stakes on youth. It is all about creating an illusion of widespread support and skillfully using the Internet, followed by TV. It is also about seizing the initiative, the more so that, in a democracy, the authorities have no right to react to non-formal components of opposition activities. The book is a short practical reference guide for a successful counterrevolution, calling upon the authorities and their supporters to act ahead of their adversaries. The underlying concept of this dynamic publication is that, in the present-day world with wide-open access to information, the loss of your own goals always results in their replacement by alien ones.

Candidate of historical sciences

Foreword by M.V.Dimurin
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp156

Under the slogans of fighting Russian «occupation», the regimes that have established themselves in Latvia and Estonia are not only rewriting textbooks. In fact, they are waging an all-out war against historical memory of the majority of their own population. With a pedantry colored with passion, the new authorities are trying to make people forget the kind of lives and careers they had in Soviet times. With a particular zest, they are striving to convince each and everyone that all their nations were concerned about was resistance against the Soviets. Yes, there really were some national Baltic units in Hitler’s army, and their veterans openly wear Nazi awards. However, there were also other military units and different kinds of awards that are now forbidden to display. In the face of such vigorous propaganda war, an ingenuous chronicle of the formation and fighting of the Latvian and Estonian divisions within the Soviet Army during the Great Patriotic War gains a special importance.

 

Collection of articles compiled by N.V.Garadzha,
Introduction by Mikhail Leontiev

Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp 56

A patriot who is free of nationalistic blindness knows precisely what and who needs to be castigated in our country, and, without falling into despair when confronted with failures, tries improving it without changing its inherent identity. Those, however, who have usurped the basically decent term «liberalism», blame our country for its being different from others, which they consider to be «orderly» and «right». These authors, many of whom are not lacking talent, are so blinded with resentment towards our country for its being «wrong» that they do not even offer their fellow citizens any constructive alternative. Read this book and see for yourself.

 

Foreword by Nina Hauer
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp 256

One needs to get used to the fact that party activities mean work, in the first place, and work, unlike other pastimes, implies thoroughly following procedures that have been perfected by time and experience. For all the cultural differences, people are basically the same everywhere, and parties are basically the same wherever they are, so the experience of German Social Democrats deserves respect. This book is strictly practical and strictly technological. One might say it is like a reference book on housekeeping. There is no place in it for reflections on what a party may offer its long-standing, chance, potential or possible electorate. What it has is a rigid and straightforward scheme of effective action: how it should address people in this or that situation.

 

Member of Executive Board, «Development Institute» Foundation. Chief Editor, «Kreml.Org» Web-portal.

Introduction by Oleg Kashin
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2005, pp 292

Little is known about the politically indoctrinated minority of Russian youth, and this is perhaps the first publication dealing with the structure of youth movements, their announced aims and practical actions. Pavel Danilin unfolds before our eyes a kind of anatomic sketch of political life of Russian youth in the early 21st century. The author is young enough to preserve a living contact with activists of youth movements, and experienced enough to retain the necessary analytical distance from the subject of his studies.

 

 

Introduction by A.A.Kokoshin
Moscow, Europe Publishing House, 2006, pp 240

The old essay by General De Gaulle has rather unexpectedly acquired a new relevance in the present circumstances. This text, written at the time when the author was not yet even a colonel, dealt with a subject that would become one of main themes for the future president of France: a relationship between a military professional and politician, or else, a relationship between a specific strategy and a political one. This text is about a quality that is most rare in a politician and a military man - the courage of taking a decision and the responsibility that comes with it. However, apart from its contents, the essay is likely to surprise Russian readers, who, ever since Peter the Great and Suvorov, have not been spoilt by eloquence on the part of military commanders, with the historical and literary erudition of the author, and his exceptionally refined style.

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